A broader lens that included class factors would be unlikely to suggest to public health officials that the Indian-American CEOs of Alphabet andĬlerks and hospital orderlies. Clearly then, the observed disparities in vaccination rates between blacks and whites have a lot to do with the higher noncollege proportion among the black population.Īll this suggests that the racial lens on Covid disparities is inadequate. But that has not been done, so only racial disparities, uncontrolled for class factors, have been reported.Īs one example of what such studies might find, Kaiser Family Foundation survey data on vaccination rates revealed that black and white college graduates were vaccinated at roughly equal (high) rates, while there was a yawning chasm between these college graduates and their noncollege counterparts of the same race. The way to test this would have been to collect individual-level data on such variables in addition to race, ethnicity, age and gender. It is probable that a good part-perhaps most-of the observed racial disparity in Covid effects is attributable to factors that can be loosely grouped under class: income, education, poverty status, occupation, health-insurance status, housing and so on. Emory University researchers found a similar correlation with poverty levels.įindings like these aren’t definitive, but they are suggestive. Researchers from Stanford’s Department of Epidemiology and Population Health found a positive correlation between income inequality and county-level Covid-19 cases and deaths in the U.S. When you limit the question to those possibilities, you get the answer you asked for.īut when you ask about the relationship between income and the incidence of Covid-19, you get an answer that suggests that the laid-off auto worker might also deserve some consideration from the New York health officials. These studies are based either on disaggregating different communities or on data from questionnaires that ask people being vaccinated or tested about their race, ethnicity and gender. That is not to deny that social scientists have produced studies that show that there is a proportionally greater incidence of severe Covid-19 in Hispanic and African-American communities than white communities. There is no valid medical argument to justify New York state’s criteria. There isn’t any study we have seen that, controlling for other factors, such as income, education and residence, shows clearly that Americans of Hispanic, African or Asian ancestry are at greater risk for severe Covid-19. African-Americans are susceptible to sickle-cell anemia Ashkenazi Jews are often lactose-intolerant. There are also certain racial-ethnic groups that are especially prone to certain diseases. Living or working in proximity to a toxic environmental site can also increase this risk. There is no question that medical factors can increase the risk of certain individuals getting diseases.
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